This study examines the capacity of the European Union (EU) to influence policy change in its member states by focusing on the impact of EU conditionality under the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) introduced as part of the Next Generation EU (NGEU) package adopted in response to COVID-19 pandemic. Using data on the evaluations of the implementation of the 2019–2020 country-specific recommendations (CSRs) before (2021) and after (2022–2024) the official start of the programme, we assess to what extent the RRF conditionality impacts the effectiveness of the European Semester. The findings of our statistical analysis indicate that the amount of RRF funding received, relative to GDP, is significant for compliance. Other factors play a role: a higher problem load, measured by the average yearly CSRs from 2011 to 2019, and sector-specific challenges, like those in energy, negatively impacted policy implementation. Conversely, countries with an initially lower compliance with the Commission’s recommendations received more favourable evaluations. Similarly, reforms concerning financial and fiscal governance performed better than average. This paper contributes to the literature on the implementation of the RRF and its impact on the reshaping of EU economic governance by demonstrating that it has improved compliance with CSRs, underpinning domestic reform efforts.

In the aftermath of the Great Recession, populist parties rose to prominence across Europe, campaigning on the promise to do something about growing economic inequality by funding social welfare programs. We investigate if the pro-welfare reputation of European populist parties, either on the left or the right, is well deserved. We draw on a dataset of questions asked by members of parliament from nine European democracies over three decades. We want to know if members of populist parties spend more of their question time asking about social welfare than members of mainstream parties. Empirical analyses reveal no meaningful difference: populist parties ask about welfare but do not devote a larger share of their questions to the topic than non-populist parties, and rising economic inequality does nothing to change this dynamic. If anything, populist parties ask about welfare less. Our results suggest that populists talk the talk but – once elected – do not walk the walk.

This article examines the agency of national executives in shaping the reform agendas within the National Recovery and Resilience Plans (NRRPs) under the EU’s Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). Through a comparative analysis of NRRPs drafting in Germany, France, Italy and Spain, and an in-depth longitudinal study of Italy, we argue that the partisan profile of national executives, to a significant extent, accounts for which reforms were included in the respective national plans, while the domestic usage of Europe by national executives explains how they went about embedding those reforms in the NRRPs. In terms of research design, we first match the reform priorities outlined in the political manifestos of the governing parties and those included in the NRRPs. Second, through a systematic analysis of press coverage, we sketch out how national executives leveraged (or not) Europe domestically during the drafting of their respective plans. Our findings contribute to shed light on the interplay between domestic political dynamics and EU-level requirements, demonstrating how governments navigated the tension between fulfilling their electoral mandates, building domestic support for their reform agendas and adhering to EU guidelines and constraints.

Since its inauguration, the coalition dynamics characterizing the Meloni government have been interrelated with managing one of the largest investment plans in Italian history: the Next Generation EU-funded recovery plan. This windfall represents both a historic opportunity for economic revitalization and an unprecedented external constraint for Italy. By linking two established research agendas, the coalition life cycle and the Europeanisation of domestic politics, this study examines the extent to which external constraints arising from EU membership may have affected coalition governance. Using a longitudinal design spanning almost three decades (1996-2023), the study finds that the implementation of the recovery plan is associated both with new trends and the accentuation of existing ones, including the strengthening of the prime minister’s role.

The emergence and spread of the Covid-19 emergency in Italy, as in the rest of the world, required parliaments to balance two priorities: ensuring the continuity of parliamentary work and protecting the health of their members and staff. If, in some legislative assemblies, the difficult balance between the right to health and the functioning of parliamentary institutions has been pursued through the implementation of measures that contemplate the use of remote participation and voting, the choices made by the Italian chambers have been more conservative, never coming to favor such solutions, at least in the plenary. This paper contributes to the debate on the digitization of parliamentary assemblies by analyzing the political reasons behind the decision to maintain the status quo in Italy, a country where the containment measures to limit the spread of Covid-19 were among the strictest in the world.